Afro-Central Americans in New York City: Garifuna Tales of by Sarah England

By Sarah England

Born of the union among African maroons and the Island Carib on colonial St. Vincent, and later exiled to Honduras, the Garifuna lifestyle combines parts of African, Island Carib, and colonial eu tradition. starting within the Nineteen Forties, this cultural matrix turned much more complicated as Garifuna started migrating to the USA, forming groups within the towns of recent York, New Orleans, and l. a.. relocating among a village at the Caribbean coast of Honduras and the hot York urban neighborhoods of the South Bronx and Harlem, England lines the day-by-day lives, reviews, and grassroots organizing of the Garifuna. 
Concentrating on how relatives existence, neighborhood existence, and grassroots activism are conducted in international locations concurrently as Garifuna circulate backward and forward, England additionally examines the connection among the Garifuna and Honduran nationwide society and discusses a lot of the hot social activism equipped to guard Garifuna coastal villages from being expropriated by means of the tourism and agro-export industries.
Based on years of fieldwork in Honduras and big apple, her research examines not just how this transnational approach works but in addition the effect that the complicated racial and ethnic identification of the Garifuna have at the surrounding societies. As a those who can declare to be black, indigenous, and Latino, the Garifuna have a fancy dating not just with U.S. and Honduran societies but in addition with the foreign group of nongovernmental firms that suggest for the rights of indigenous peoples and blacks.

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Extra resources for Afro-Central Americans in New York City: Garifuna Tales of Transnational Movements in Racialized Space

Sample text

In many ways, patterns of Garifuna migration seem to more closely resemble those of the West Indians (Kasinitz 1992; Levine 1987; Palmer 1990; Patterson 1987; Richardson 1992) and Mexicans (Chavez 1998; Kearney and Stuart 1981; Massey, Alarcon, Burand, and Gonzalez 1990; Mines 1981)—always present, always economically motivated, but not driven by crisis. In contrast, larger patterns of Central American migration to the United States have been understood as a response to economic crisis and political turmoil that began in the 1970s and intensified in the 1980s.

They planned to set up an agricultural cooperative; build a school that would educate Garifuna children in farming, the Garifuna language, and history; and set up a political base for a pan-Garifuna social movement. Equipped with theoretical frameworks for viewing the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building, grassroots organizations and development, and the negotiation of identities in social movements, I set out to look at the history and political activities of this cooperative mainly in terms of what it could reveal about the relationship of the Garifuna as an ethnic group to the Honduran nation-state.

The next two chapters describe in detail the ways that the transnational community operates on a daily basis, underscoring the complexities of kinship and class in the construction of unity and diversity within the community. Chapter 3 focuses specifically on kinship, households, and community networks. I argue that the kinship system and domestic structure of “matrifocality” is one of the main organizing principles of the transnational community because it shapes the character of transnational households, patterns of remittances and investments, and community-level rituals of solidarity.

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