By Matthew Jones
Via emphasising the function of nuclear concerns, After Hiroshima presents a brand new historical past of yank coverage in Asia among the losing of the atomic bombs on Japan and the escalation of the Vietnam struggle. Drawing on a variety of documentary facts, Matthew Jones charts the advance of yankee nuclear technique and the international coverage difficulties it raised, because the usa either faced China and tried to win the friendship of an Asia rising from colonial domination. In underlining American perceptions that Asian peoples observed the prospective repeat use of nuclear guns as a manifestation of Western attitudes of 'white superiority', he bargains new insights into the hyperlinks among racial sensitivities and the behavior folks coverage, and a clean interpretation of the transition in American technique from enormous retaliation to versatile reaction within the period spanned by means of the Korean and Vietnam Wars.
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Additional info for After Hiroshima: The United States, Race, and Nuclear Weapons in Asia, 1945-1965
I am not going to do it unless it is absolutely necessary . . 63 On 9 August, Lieutenant General Albert C. 64 But after the receipt of the Japanese surrender proposals, Truman ordered that further planned atomic attacks should cease. As he explained to his Cabinet, ‘the thought of wiping out another 100,000 people was too horrible. ’65 Of course, the atomic bomb was not developed in time for use before the end of the war in Europe, and there is no indication that ‘racial’ considerations would have played any part in reluctance to use it against Germany, where the civilian population was already being subjected to the full weight of the allied bomber offensive.
29; and Takemae, Allied Occupation of Japan, 250. 114 As John Dower has highlighted, the particular horror of nuclear attack tended to be absorbed by most Japanese commentary into a revulsion against the cruelty of war in general. While awareness that Japan had slipped into a different category because of the means that had been used to bring about its defeat was always latent beneath the surface of popular opinion, the atomic bombings were to become an essential aspect of what some Japanese regarded as a necessary attitude of atonement or repentance in the decades after 1945.
119 Burchett, Shadows of Hiroshima, 58. Beatty, ‘Genetics in the Atomic Age’, 288. S. Occupation of Japan (New York, 1999), 49–73. Gandhi to Roosevelt, 1 July 1942, FRUS, 1942, I: General; The British Commonwealth; The Far East (Washington, DC, 1960), 678. 123 With greater economic power than ever before, and emboldened by the rhetoric of freedom that accompanied American war aims, African Americans had rising expectations that their contribution to victory would be rewarded with equality. Membership of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) had increased from 50,000 to 450,000 during the war years, and black protest had led Roosevelt to concede a modest attempt to secure equal rights over hiring for war industry with the formation of the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC) in 1941.